By Andrew Wolpert
In 404 BCE the Peloponnesian struggle ultimately got here to an finish, whilst the Athenians, starved into submission, have been compelled to just accept Sparta's phrases of give up. presently afterwards a bunch of thirty conspirators, with Spartan backing ("the Thirty"), overthrew the democracy and demonstrated a slender oligarchy. even if the oligarchs have been in strength for less than 13 months, they killed greater than five percentage of the citizenry and terrorized the remaining by means of confiscating the valuables of a few and banishing many others. regardless of this brutality, participants of the democratic resistance circulation that regained keep watch over of Athens got here to phrases with the oligarchs and agreed to an amnesty that secure collaborators from prosecution for all however the such a lot critical crimes.
The struggle and next reconciliation of Athenian society has been a wealthy box for historians of historic Greece. From a rhetorical and ideological viewpoint, this era is exclusive end result of the notable lengths to which the Athenians went to take care of peace. In Remembering Defeat, Andrew Wolpert claims that the peace was once "negotiated and built in civic discourse" and never imposed upon the population. instead of explaining why the reconciliation was once winning, as a fashion of laying off gentle on alterations in Athenian ideology Wolpert makes use of public speeches of the early fourth century to contemplate how the Athenians faced the troubling thoughts of defeat and civil struggle, and the way they defined to themselves an contract that allowed the conspirators and their collaborators to move unpunished. Encompassing rhetorical research, trauma stories, and up to date scholarship on id, reminiscence, and legislations, Wolpert's research sheds new mild on a pivotal interval in Athens' history.
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Extra info for Remembering Defeat: Civil War and Civic Memory in Ancient Athens
Arist. Rhet. 1420a. 20. Cf. Seager (1967: 112–13). 21. Isoc. 18. 31, 45–46; Lys. 18. 18–19, 25. 34–35; cf. Lys. 26. sixteen. 22. And. 1. 103–4; Isoc. 18. 42–44; Lys. 26. sixteen 23. And. 1. 92–95; Isoc. sixteen. 42–45, 18. 47–50; Lys. 30. 7. See Lévy (1976: 215). 24. Nagy (1990: 58); see Detienne (1967: esp. 51–80). 25. For inscriptions as commemorative monuments, see Thomas (1989: 45–60; 1992: 85–88, 137–40). 26. Paus. 1. 29. three. Meyer (1993: 118) indicates, ‘‘Pausanias’s description signifies that this association directed a traveller’s consciousness to the savior, instead of to at least one of the unique exponents, of the Athenian democracy. It was once additionally an association ∞∏∂ 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. ∑ F N O T E S T O PA G E S nine zero – 1 zero five designed extra to provoke Athenians as they left their urban than foreigners as they entered, giving prominence to these enthusiastic about the concerns of 403 and to the re-established democracy. ’’ Philochorus FGH 328 F forty; see Osborne (1985a: 60). And. 1. eighty one; Isoc. sixteen. 12–14, 50, 18. 2, 48–49; Lys. 10. four, 12. 57–58, thirteen. 47–48, 14. 32–33, sixteen. 6, 18. 18, 24. 25, 25. 18, 20–22, 26. 2; P. Oxy. 1606 ll. 34–38, 113–18. Cf. Gribble (1999: 118–19). Murphy (1989: forty eight) believes that Lysias addressed the boys of town individually from the lads of Piraeus ‘‘to take advantage of class-prejudice. ’’ Lys. thirteen. 47–48; cf. Isoc. 18. forty eight; Lys. 26. 2. E. g. , And. 1. eighty one; Isoc. 18. 2; Lys. 25. 18, 20–22. Ober (1989a: 144–46; 1989b: 329–30); cf. MacDowell (1962: 66). Contra: Hansen (1978a: 135–36; 1989a: 103–6; 1990b: 220–21). Cloché (1916: 20); cf. Mossé (1973: 6). Blass (1887–98: i. 597–98); Gernet and Bizos (1924–26: i. 133); Lamb (1930: 182– 83). Lys. 25. 35; cf. Lys. 26. 20. L OYA LT Y T O T H E D E M O S 1. Lys. 12. 1–2, 26, eighty two, 88, 90–91, ninety nine; Lys. thirteen. 1–3, 33–34, forty three, forty eight, sixty nine, 91–97. 2. So Usher (1965: 114) bills for the minimum self-characterization in Lysias 12. Murphy (1989) argues that loss of proof compelled Lysias to assault Eratosthenes as an oligarchic sort instead of as a person. For arguments of generalization in forensic oratory, see Lavency (1964: 171–74); for using antithesis in Lysias, see Bateman (1962). three. P. Oxy. 1606 ll. 135–67. This part is striking for its extreme emotion and serves as a reminder that very few of the conﬂicts that happened after the reconciliation are represented within the extant orations (see bankruptcy 3). The fragment regrettably offers little information regarding the criminal continuing and the character of the dispute; see Loening (1987: 89–93) and Todd (1993: 234–35) for a contemporary dialogue of those concerns. four. The cost of performing as sycophants may have caused a complete set of alternative institutions; see Harvey (1990: 107–12); Christ (1998: esp. 48–71). it truly is attainable that the opposite fees have been additionally catchwords. five. a few think that the speech is simply too unimportant and too comical to were dropped at the Council. Others argue that the speaker used to be comical simply because that used to be his most sensible safeguard; see Adams (1905: 231–35); Dover (1968: 189); Carey (1990: 49–50 with n. 19); Todd (1990c: 166–67). it really is extra di≈cult to give an explanation for why the invalid may have stricken contesting a dole that amounted to simply an obol consistent with day if he may possibly a√ord to pay Lysias to jot down the speech (pace Dillon [1995: 39]).